Fiat

Company Snapshot: 

After suffering a downturn in fortune that nearly caused it to be absorbed by General Motors, Fiat is riding high again. The company has taken control of struggling U.S. automaker Chrysler, and is seeking additional partners as part of a quest to become a “supergroup” that stands a chance of surviving the brutal competition in the auto industry—a quest that includes taking a hard line with unions at home and abroad. Fiat is no longer quite the industrial octopus that controlled vast swaths of Italian industry, but in addition to cars it is still a powerhouse in trucks and agricultural/construction equipment.

Profile editor: 
Phil Mattera
Number of employees worldwide: 
198,000
Chief executive officer: 
Sergio Marchionne
Global Fortune 500 rank: 
64
Tel: 
+39-011-006-1111
Net Income: 
US$2.4 billion
Total revenue: 
US$83.7 billion
Corporate accountability
Labor: 

Fiat has always been the main arena of Italy's often contentious labor relations. The company has employed a mixture of paternalism and repression to control its workforce. Founder Giovanni Agnelli created an extensive social welfare system for the tens of thousands of workers who were lured to Turin to work in the company's huge factories. Yet in 1920, when workers were inspired by the Bolshevik Revolution to occupy those factories, Agnelli quickly asked the prime minister to send in the army. It was one of the few requests by Agnelli that the government turned down, but the general strike failed nonetheless, paving the way for the rise of Fascism.

The labor movement, which had been suppressed during the Mussolini era, was revived soon after the Second World War with the creation of the Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro (CGIL) union alliance. Although CGIL was supposed to be non-partisan, the largest group within it was the Communist Party. Amid an atmosphere of anticommunism, several political parties soon broke away from CGIL and formed two rival union federations, the Confederazione Italiana Sindacati Lavoratori (CISL) and the Unione Italiana del Lavoro (UIL).

During the 1950s the labor movement remained weak. The three federations were represented at Fiat, but union membership declined and management felt free to fire militants, or send them to remote parts of the company. The tide began to turn in 1962, when a routine walkout over a contract turned into an uprising against the right-wing UIL federation, which had negotiated a sweetheart settlement with the company. But the real explosion came in 1969, when Fiat's production workers were at the forefront of a wave of worker unrest that came to be known as the Hot Autumn.

Emerging out of rank-and-file frustrations over working conditions, the struggle at Fiat began in July 1969, when thousands of workers clashed with police at the massive Mirafiori plant in Turin. Wildcat walkouts continued over the next few weeks, prompting Agnelli to suspend the factory's entire workforce. The unions, which had lost control of the situation, finally pulled themselves together and signed an agreement with Fiat and other large employers. It increased wages in an egalitarian way, shortened the workweek, improved conditions on the job, and gave more protection to union activity.

The unions at Fiat (and elsewhere in Italian industry) continued to make gains throughout the 1970s, though with less upheaval. The government pressured the company to pay substantial pay increases to help workers cope with the rise in oil prices and general inflation of the period. Yet both the unions and the rank and file also had to contend with the emergence of a terrorist campaign against Fiat management by groups such as the Red Brigades. The unions, including the Communist Party-dominated CGIL, condemned the terrorists and urged workers to align with the government. Yet many workers, even if they did not condone the violence, could not bring themselves to support a state dominated by anti-labor politicians.

Fiat had no ambivalence. It began to take action against workers it considered terrorist sympathizers. In October 1979, 61 workers were terminated for what management called lack of "diligence, propriety, and good faith on the job." The firings became a test of strength between management and labor, and the unions backed down. The unions did, however, put up a fight a year later when Cesare Romiti, who had just been put in charge of the company, announced plans to eliminate more than 14,000 jobs--a move that was unheard of in Italy. The job losses prompted a strike that was militant at first but quickly lost momentum when white-collar workers organized a back-to-work movement. After a demonstration to demand an end to the strike drew some 40,000 people, the unions quickly sued for peace.

The settlement of the five-week strike included a provision for rotating layoffs among 23,000 workers rather than the company's original job-elimination proposal. An unspecified number of positions would be abolished at a later date. The accord represented a turning point in labor relations at Fiat and in Italy as a whole. It marked the end of a period of rising labor power and the beginning of one in which management at Fiat and other companies have had a much freer hand in the pursuit of profit. Between 1980 and 1985 the company reduced employment in its overall operations by some 100,000 jobs.

Having been tamed, the unions formalized their cooperative relationship with Fiat in 1989 with an agreement that established a system of ongoing consultation between labor and management. That deal did not prevent conflicts. In 1994 the company pressured workers at its Termoli plant in south-central Italy to agree to work Saturdays without pay in exchange for which the company would invest about $250 million in the plant and create an additional 400 jobs.

Labor relations grew worse in 2002, when the company announced plans to eliminate more than one-fifth of its Italian workforce—some 8,100 jobs. In 2004 workers blockaded Fiat’s newest Italian plant in the southern town of Melfi for several weeks, disrupting the production of parts needed at the company’s other operations.

Fiat’s hard line on labor extended into its partnership with Chrysler. In April 2009 Fiat chief executive Sergio Marchionne stated that the deal with the U.S. automaker depended on the willingness of Chrysler’s unionized U.S. workers to make concessions that cut labor costs. He also took a hard line with Chrysler’s Canadian workforce. The National Post headlined its story FIAT PUTS GUN TO CHRYSLER UNION HEADS. Both the United Auto Workers in the U.S. and the Canadian Auto Workers gave in to the pressure and signed new contracts with major concessions.

Meanwhile back at home, Italian workers were growing increasingly concerned that Fiat’s foreign deals could lead to domestic plant shutdowns. In mid-May the Italian metalworkers unions held a national protest demonstration near the company’s headquarters in Turin. At the same time, frequent work stoppages and protests were taking place at various plants.

Environment and product safety: 

Although Fiat’s focus on small cars makes its fleet relatively energy efficient, the company has been outspoken in criticizing efforts by the European Commission to reduce automobile greenhouse gas emissions. In 2007 Fiat chief executive Sergio Marchionne said “the current proposal is unbalanced, inadequate, and economically inefficient.” Later that year, speaking as head of the European Automobile Manufacturers Association, Marchionne said the plan to cut emissions to 120 grams per kilometer by 2012 was not do-able. In 2008 he kept up the war of words, claiming that the proposal unfairly penalized small-car producers such as Fiat.

Fiat long resisted the addition of a hybrid vehicle to its fleet, but in 2008 it relented and announced plans to develop both gasoline and diesel hybrid-drive systems for small cars and vans. There have been reports that the combined Fiat-Chrysler will develop electric vehicles as well.

CORRUPTION

In 1993 top Fiat executives, including its chief financial officer, were caught up in an investigation related to bribes that the company’s construction arm allegedly paid to public officials. The scandal eventually reached the highest ranks of the company. In 1997 Chairman Cesare Romiti was convicted of falsifying company accounts, committing tax fraud, and making illegal payments to political parties. He was barred from holding corporate office in Fiat or any other Italian company.

In 2008 Fiat agreed to pay about $18 million to settle U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission charges that the company paid kickbacks to the Saddam Hussein regime in Iraq from 2000 to 2003, during the time of the United Nations oil-for-food program.

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History

Fiat founder Giovanni Agnelli, a former cavalry officer, decided just before the start of the 20th century to enter the new business of producing horseless carriages. In 1899 he joined with a group of aristocrats in Turin to form the Fabbrica Italiana di Automobili Torino. The company, which became known by its initials FIAT (and took that as its official name in 1906), got off to a good start in the car business and soon branched out to trucks, buses, and marine engines.

The close ties Agnelli developed with Italian politicians helped Fiat gain orders from the government for military vehicles and equipment. By the mid-1910s the roster of such politicians included Benito Mussolini, who received Fiat financial support for the founding of his propaganda newspaper Il Popolo d'Italia. The advent of the First World War was a boon for Fiat, which became one of the leading suppliers of vehicles, munitions, and other military items to the government. It also began to make airplanes. Protected by high tariffs, the company controlled virtually the entire Italian auto market, with the exception of luxury cars like Lancias and Alfa Romeos.

In the wake of the Bolshevik Revolution, Fiat was a prime target of worker unrest and in 1920 experienced factory occupations at its plants in Turin, by then the Italian counterpart of Detroit. Undeterred by the militancy, Agnelli began buying up other industrial companies as well as the leading Turin newspaper, La Stampa. With the help of a professor of banking, Vittorio Valletta, hired in 1921, Agnelli turned Fiat into a vertically integrated enterprise, producing its own steel, paint, and other materials for its cars. Other operations included the production of rail cars and tractors and a construction operation called Impresit. In 1927 the various Agnelli holdings were put under the umbrella of a holding company, Istituto Finanziario Industriale.

The influence of Agnelli, who became known as Il Senatore after Mussolini made him a senator for life in 1923, widened as the fascists rose to power. This is not to say that he was an ardent believer in Il Duce, but simply that he knew how to take advantage of the situation. When Mussolini's power began to wane about 1943, Agnelli started making contacts with the Allies. Agnelli died in 1945, shortly after the Second World War ended. His gestures may have played a role in the decision of the United States not only to allow Agnelli's protegé Vittorio Valletta to remain in charge of the company, but also to grant Fiat Marshall Plan funds to rebuild its war-damaged factories.

Valletta made full use of these resources to expand and modernize Fiat's operations in automaking as well as in steel, heavy equipment, marine engines, aircraft, and other industrial products. The company also began to expand its manufacturing operations abroad, and licensed its automobile technology to the Spanish government-owned carmaker SEAT. During the 1950s Fiat continued to benefit from trade policies that blocked foreign companies from gaining much of a position in the Italian car market.

These practices were finally challenged in 1961, when the European Economic Community pressured Italy to lower its tariffs and drop its import quotas. Fiat, never enamored of competition, kicked up a fuss, using La Stampa to campaign against imports. Fiat held onto its dominant position in the domestic market and continued to widen its influence abroad. An important step in the latter process was the mid-1960s agreement with the Soviet Union to construct an entirely new auto-producing complex on the Volga River. The facility, with a capacity of 600,000 cars a year, was located in a town renamed Togliattigrad, in honor of Palmiro Togliatti, one of the founders of the Italian Communist Party. Fiat also expanded in the developing world, building plants in countries such as India, Egypt, Morocco, and Argentina.

After running Fiat for more than two decades, Valletta retired in 1966 at the age of 82. He was succeeded as chairman by Giovanni Agnelli II, grandson of the founder. Known as Gianni or L'Avvocato (he received a degree in law but never practiced), Agnelli grew up in luxurious surroundings and was groomed as the heir to the Fiat empire. Yet when he reached adulthood he had no interest in such a responsibility. He gladly let Valletta control the company while he spent the next two decades leading the life of a playboy and bon vivant.

Agnelli took over the company at a time when the world auto industry was becoming more competitive. To deal with the challenges Agnelli brought his younger brother Umberto, who had been running the company's French operations, to headquarters as a co-managing director. In an attempt to overtake Volkswagen as the world's number three automaker (behind GM and Ford), Agnelli sought to acquire the ailing French company Citroën, but he only managed to gain a minority position. (The alliance ended in 1973). Fiat did, however, take over Italian luxury producer Lancia and 50 percent of sports car maker Ferrari in 1969 (a stake increased to 90 percent in 1988).

The oil crisis of the early 1970s and the resulting slump in the auto business took a heavy toll on Fiat. In an effort to turn the company around, the Agnellis brought in a well-respected young businessman named Carlo De Benedetti (who would later gain fame as the head of Olivetti) to take over the non-auto aspects of the company. At the same time Umberto Agnelli was chosen as a senator and devoted his time to politics. Neither of these changes worked out. Umberto did not receive the kind of respect he had hoped for as a politician, while De Benedetti's bold proposals clashed with the entrenched corporate bureaucracy at Fiat. He left the company within a matter of months, and Umberto returned. Shortly thereafter, Fiat announced that it had sold a nearly 10 percent of itself to the government of Libya for some $415 million.

The late 1970s was a difficult period for the company. Worker militancy escalated once again, and terrorist groups such as the Red Brigades targeted Fiat executives, more than two dozen of whom were wounded in ambushes. In 1979 Carlo Ghiglieno, a high-level executive in Fiat's auto operation, was shot and killed on a Turin street. The following year the Agnellis withdrew from day-to-day involvement, and managerial control of Fiat was handed over to Cesare Romiti, a no-nonsense executive who had come to Fiat in 1974. Romiti, dubbed Il Duro ("the tough one"), successfully took on the company's militant unions, expanded the use of robots in auto production, and embarked on a restructuring of Fiat's operations.

Both at home and abroad, the company abandoned unprofitable activities, including the ill-fated sales operation in North America. At the same time, Fiat expanded its military contracting operations, and introduced the Uno, a small car that was well-received in Europe.

All of this contributed to an impressive revival. Productivity soared, profits rose, and Fiat was once again the darling of the international investment community. The Agnellis were not very disappointed when merger talks with Ford Motor collapsed, but Fiat did combine its truck operations with Ford's in Europe. In 1986 Fiat acquired Alfa Romeo after using all of its political muscle to defeat a proposed sale of the loss-ridden, state-owned company to Ford. As a result Fiat ended up with a 60 percent domestic market share, and by the late 1980s had the highest market share in Europe.

In 1991 Fiat formed another alliance with Ford, when the two companies merged their farm and construction equipment operations into a venture called New Holland Geotech. (Fiat bought out Ford in 1993). Fiat also expanded its involvement in the former Soviet bloc. The company licensed a design for a new mini-car to the Polish state-owned automaker FSM. In 1991 the Polish government began the process of privatizing FSM, and Fiat agreed to purchase a 90 percent stake in the company.

In the early 1990s Fiat’s share of the auto market in Italy and the rest of Europe began sliding. The company responded by developing the Palio, which was designed to increase sales in Latin America and Asia. Fiat’s improving position in the world auto market came at a time when the company’s reputation was tainted by a corruption scandal that led to the departure of top executives such as Romiti, who was forced to resign a short time after he took over as chairman from the retiring Gianni Agnelli.

In 2000 the company announced a strategic cooperation deal with General Motors, a move that gave GM a 20 percent stake in Fiat’s auto operation while Fiat took a 5.1 percent stake in GM. This prompted a period of speculation that Fiat’s auto business would end up being taken over entirely by GM. Those expectations intensified in late 2002 when Fiat sold its stake in GM to meet debt obligations.

The takeover didn’t happen. Instead, Fiat embarked on a radical restructuring plan that involved cutting production costs while increasing research & development spending. It also sold off its Toro insurance business and its aerospace division. Yet rather than continuing to seek a path to survival as an independent car company, Fiat’s management decided it wanted to join with GM. In 2004 Fiat’s new chief executive Sergio Marchionne said he would invoke a provision in the 2000 cooperation deal that gave Fiat an option to sell its auto business to GM. The U.S. automaker was not interested in consummating that deal and taking on Fiat’s huge debt load, so in 2005 it instead agreed to pay Fiat $2 billion to go away.

Marchionne continued the restructuring process, which along with the introduction of many new models, boosted the company’s sales and market share. But he concluded that Fiat could not survive on its own and thus, in late 2008, began to seek a partner.

By January 2009 Fiat put itself forth as savior for U.S. automaker Chrysler, which was struggling after ending its marriage with Germany’s Daimler. In fact, the Obama administration made the completion of the partnership deal a precondition for additional federal bailout money for Chrysler, and then pushed Chrysler to file for bankruptcy to force the marriage. Fiat ended up with an initial stake of 20 percent with options to increase that to 51 percent after Chrysler pays off its loans from the federal government.

An emboldened Fiat also began maneuvering to purchase a majority stake in Opel and the rest of General Motors' European operations. Marchionne saw the combination of Fiat, Chrysler, and Opel as the basis for a new multinational auto giant. The Washington Post marveled that “almost overnight, Fiat Group has transformed itself from a bit player into a global titan in the auto industry.” Fiat’s status became somewhat less titanic after GM agreed to sell its European business to a group led by Magna International.

After some legal challenges were resolved, Fiat took control of Chrysler in June 2009.

Financial information
Stock ticker symbol: 
F (Milan)
Fiscal year: 
2008
Fiscal year: 
2008
Major lines of business/segments: 

Automobiles. Not including the partnership with Chrysler, Fiat Group Automobiles designs, produces and sells vehicles under the Fiat, Alfa Romeo, Lancia, and Abarth brands, as well as light commercial vehicles under the Fiat Professional brands. Fiat Group also produces Maserati and Ferrari luxury sports cars.Fiat Group Automobiles owns five assembly plants in Italy and one each in Argentina, Brazil, and Poland. It also participates in production joint ventures in countries such as India, Serbia, and Turkey.

Agricultural and Construction Equipment. Fiat is a leading producer in this sector thanks to its CNH-Case New Holland subsidiary, created in 1999 through the merger of Fiat’s New Holland NV and Case Corporation.

Trucks and Commercial Vehicles. Fiat is a leading producer here as well through its Iveco subsidiary, which sells a full line of industrial vehicles.

Components. This sector consists of Fiat Powertrain Technologies (engines and transmissions), Magneti Marelli (various automotive systems), Teksid (engine blocks) and Comau (industrial automation).

Publishing and Communications. This sector consists mainly of the daily newspaper La Stampa and the advertising company Publikompas.